Saturday, October 31, 2009

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Naomi Klein - No logo



Author: Naomi Klein
Original title: No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies
Translator: Alejandro Rueda
Jockl Language: English
Subject (s): Sociology, labor, cooperatives, marketing, advertising, globalization
Genre: Essay
Editorial: Ediciones Paidós Ibérica, SA
Date Published: 2002
Pages: 544
ISBN: 84-493-1074-1


The book is an essay that attempts to analyze the influence of brands in today's society. Begins narrating the origin and growth of large companies that base their business on image brand, and continues to analyze the impact throughout the world, from the labor market in both the first and the third world, as the consumer market. Explains the tactics that brands continue to expand and describes many acts of rebellion that emerged in response. In the first world
mainly analyzes the situation in America and Canada and to a lesser extent in Western Europe.
The focus is fiercely critical of business behavior

Naomi Klein interview about the book:

Naomi Klein, the ideologue accidental "anti-globalization" presents his book "No Logo"

They stopped to give the benefit of the doubt. People lost faith in the idea that businesses and politicians to look after our well being. Stopped believing. Are fed up-especially those that are completely out of the "photo" in the model successful. Harsh words are spoken with a voice sweet voice, cut here and there, by a discreet smile a pretty face.

Naomi Kleim, a Canadian, now 30, was accidentally catapulted to fame with his speech and journalism, particularly the book of more than 500 pages against the metaphor of brand logos - No Logo: Taking AIM at the brand bullies, published by Knopf in Canada, a weeks after the demonstrations in Seattle in November 1999. A coincidence facing an editorial that "surprised" everyone.

Whites "No Logo". (Site of the book).
Multinationals and culture of brands. The major associations of regulation (World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund, G7 summits, G8) The "Third Way" and all sorts of political-marketing.

Paradoxically, it is shy, does not like crowds and shouting words of command. He hates the frame as "propaganda", but is considered as the ideologue of the movement diversified and fragmented, he chose as targets estimation multinationals, even the "new wave", the great capitalist regulatory organizations (IMF, WTO, G7, G8) and politicians of "Pepsodent smile." "This is also a reaction to the" third way ", the triumph of style over substance. Politicians who entered the marketing game perceive now that the marks are very volatile," he stresses, with a mischievous smile , in this exclusive interview in Toronto.

Naomi is far from austere profile of a Polish Rosa Luxembourg who was in the Russian Revolution of 1905, was leader of the 'Spartakos' in Imperial Germany and was murdered in 1919 - although movements mass of the first decades of the century, seduced by its diversity and breadth.

is even farther from the style of a "Dany le rouge" (the leader of the French May Estudantil Daniel Coh-Bendit, now Green MEP) in front of the "enrages" May 1968. "Many of that generation are now capitalist" cool ". But changing a system for not wearing a tie," he says among other laugh.
Interview with Naomi Klein

JNR: - Who is, after all, Naomi Klein? A journalist? Any ideologue? A radical XXI century?
NAOMI KLEIN: - Journalist - first and foremost. But no reporter style. I have and express a point of view. You may prefer the "label" journalist-activist. In 1995 I realized that something was about to arise and accompany the development of these movements.

JNR: - Why the title "No Logo"?
NK: - Sounds good! I like the term. And people are fond of saying when I talked to my friends, were unanimous. Of course there is a downside to the expression. May be giving the idea that I want to remove the logos. Clearly, if you read the book, is that what I want, from facts, is to capture the spirit of this new activism of the masses.

Join the puzzle pieces in a 500-page book
JNR: - Many critics he was appointed as a new manifesto of the last century, over the Seattle events. Did you write "No Logo" with the political order?
NK: - No, not a manifesto, in the sense that I think, of an appeal to the barricades, a political exercise in rhetoric. There are 500 pages of facts, precisely in opposition rhetoric. My goal is to address people's minds "of people worried, but that does not have a frame of mind. With the book, I tried to put the pieces together. And show the current activism a positive approach.

JNR: - And having been published a few weeks after Seattle, "helped amplify the message?
NK: - The movement was there. It was not yet on the political radar, but growing and forming a truly international movement. And in Seattle it showed. It is clear that its size was a surprise to all

JNR: - "The enemy of the movement has a face? Are universal multinational brands lifestyle propaganda and effective organizational ideology?
NK: - No multinationals are focused individually. Is the economic model they represent, which measures progress only through the "growth" and profitability. It is a massive system of consumerism and messages through the brands that are present in every corner of our lives day-to-day, which invaded the public space and staff.

JNR: - But that's not the "old" rhetoric against capitalism but with new discourse? NK
- Some accuse, in fact, that no more than a neo-communism. It is likely that some people think in neo-communism in the movimiemiento. I do not deny. But what I see in the movement of young activists and new leagues that form in the United States and Europe is a renewed interest in local solutions and diversified. Not a single model that is in the minds of people, something central. That does not work. What is at emergence are new models of democracy participatory, community economic development, as an antidote to globalization and capitalist centralization.

not change capitalism for not wearing a tie
JNR: - Will the new capitalists of the information revolution and brand-concept of the second half of the twentieth century are different from the old guard of industrial capitalism? NK
- are and are not. They are no different, fundamentally, of course. The rules are the same. But also, it is true that the culture of capitalism has changed enormously - Richard Branson or Jeff Bezos or Bill Gates are other "stars." Have a different style in the spiritual realm, dress shape. Brought the culture of the 60 to capitalism. But an economic system does not change with fashion, for failing to wear a tie!

JNR: - But the "stock-options", are not a break with the previous administration, in the sense of the division of wealth created? Or worked only as a "carrot" while the Nasdaq was rising?
NK: "It depends. Were presented as a kind of "cooperative socialism" on business. And, at first, even made many millionaires, as stated in the history of Microsoft. Bill Gates was a genius. But those companies later became highly stratified -1 / 3 of employees are "temporary" and their hands are empty. Only one segment won the "stock-options." In the case of a Wall-Mart, for example, it is negligible even financially.
And then the "correction" nas bags, is revealed as very vulnerable, as pure propaganda, especially in many "dot.com" fail today to be "roles" in the hands of people who earn less than they should.

JNR: - "The Triumph of the marks and concepts aimed at the minds of people is pure propaganda?
NK: - It depends. I do not think Nike makes propaganda when he talks about concepts. Such companies are leaving the production area strategically. It aims to create a culture-places the bulk of investment in that. The problem is what is behind the products that present, the reality of the lives of those who make them, whether child or without the right conditions anywhere in the world, or the very new "slaves of the web." And also, the public space that these undertakings are increasingly marketing.
JNR: - But, historically, who looks like this move? With the radicalism of the 60 in Europe, North America and China?
NK: - This movement is not like before. Much less is comparable to that of May 68. I find, however, more parallels in the 20 and 30. There was then a broader movement, with different points view. It was a diverse and strong coalition and not just an art and a generation.

JNR: - In any case, do you fear that between now and 40 or 50 years, in retrospect, be sure that the "anti-globalization" that now stands was also as "ineffective" in changing the current system capitalist as they were Leninism, anarcho-syndicalism or the cultural avant-century home, or left of 60 and 70? Were not silent revolutions of the transistor, chip, PC (personal computer) and the Web who changed, in fact, the capitalimo Idustrial? NK
- I do not think. It is true that the movement of the 60 was "corrupted" - Past the radical period, this generation thought, then, that capitalism could change the lifestyle. Capitalists today are cool-grown style funky. But in the 20 and 30, there was no "huge revolution that opened the door to simple people, working conditions changed radically with the union, created a social security system and health.

smile Because Al Gore lost
JNR: - In addition to this reaction to the capitalist "cool" movement "got tired of the left" soft "?
NK: - True, it's a reaction to the "third way" as well. The third way was mentioned very vulnerable. The idea of \u200b\u200bthe triumph of style over substance, the domain of marketing in politics was temporary. If it is in the logic of the marks, we find that this area is very volatile, fickle, and that is subject to ups and downs of public opinion. "Politics Pepsodent" fell. That began to be apparent with Tony Blair and now more with what happened to Al Gore. People decided to switch brands, and transgressed, including the "rule" that it should in good economic times should remain. It was a general surprise.

JNR: - And what will or will not dig a moat between a cosmopolitan elite, professional knowledge, and networking and the others?
NK: - what today is called "digital divide"? I think it's just one of the stratifications that we attended. One more. What happens is that the current path of globalization of capitalism made more people out of the new economic paradigm. This causes a feeling of "release", when you are out of the picture, one is free to rebel. Look for the "Zapatistas" in Chiapas and its movement "Enough is enough." What they are telling us is that rebel against the fact of having been completely forgotten, of being outside the model, as if there were! We will certainly assist the growth of such transgressions.

Create an agenda and not an ideology unifying. Bring the spirit of the Red to the streets
JNR: "But is it possible to create a project" unifier "of an alternative society for a movement that brings together diverse from Hactivismo (" hackers "politically active) new urban and rural radicals of Millau in France, the Zapatistas in Chiapas or the union leader of the free zone of production "delocalized" in the Philippines?
NK: - The goal is not to unify into a global idea. There is nostalgia for that kind of movement of the past. Today is about creating an agenda of putting people in motion, even if it is different. The idea is to have local control, local democracy, local development. It is coordinated decentralization. Movement is a type of Internet-tell spirit that is bringing the Internet into the street. Clearly, this also challenges the social-democratic vision.
People lost faith in the idea that politicians and businesses-even the new wave-able to care for our well being. Simply stopped believing. Ceased to give them the benefit of the doubt.

JNR: "To close What do you think of the genetic revolution begins to unfold before our eyes?
NK: - It is not my field of study. But I think a lot of activism that starts at birth against aspects of the genetic revolution is fear of privatization of human life. If that logic goes out, people think that tomorrow there will be no escaping the "corporatization" of our lives. It is natural to rebel. Book


highly recommended, as is his age, but still is a great overview of the problem the corporate world, advertising, labor and globalization, and what are some of the courses of action presented in this regard. To read and comment!

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